Democracy and Freedom are still elusive in Sudan

Editorial Corrections were made to this article, previously some of the details we wrote in this article were, which we obtained from other publications, and public records had some spelling errors, misnomers, and miss-applied names. We regret any errors we have made and apologies to our viewers and readers.

The Second Sudanese Civil War was a conflict from 1983 to 2005 between the central Sudanese government and the Sudan People's Liberation Army. It was largely a continuation of the First Sudanese Civil War of 1955 to 1972.

Although it originated in southern Sudan, the civil war spread to the Nuba mountains and Blue Nile. It lasted for a long 22 years, and is one of the longest civil wars on record. The war resulted in the splitting away of South Sudan six years after the war ended. Roughly two million people have died as a result of war, famine and disease caused by the conflict.

Four million people in southern Sudan have been displaced at least once (and often repeatedly) during the war. The civilian death toll is one of the highest of any war since World War II and was marked by a large number of human rights violations, particularly by the government in Khartoum. These include slavery and mass killings. The conflict officially ended with the signing of a peace agreement in January 2005.

The war is often characterized as a fight between the central government expanding and dominating peoples of the periphery, raising allegations of marginalization. Kingdoms and great powers based along the Nile River have fought against the people of inland Sudan for centuries. Since at least the 17th century, central governments have attempted to regulate and exploit the undeveloped southern and inland Sudan.

Some sources describe the conflict as an ethno-religious one where the Muslim central government's pursuits to impose sharia law on non-Muslim southerners led to violence, and eventually to the civil war. Douglas Johnson has pointed to an exploitative governance as the root cause.

When the British governed Sudan as a colony they administered the northern and southern provinces separately. The south was held to be more similar to the other east-African colonies — Kenya, Tanganyika, and Uganda — while northern Sudan was more similar to Arabic-speaking Egypt. Northern Arabs were prevented from holding positions of power in the south with its African traditions, and trade was discouraged between the two areas.

However, in 1946, the British gave in to northern pressure to integrate the two areas. Arabic was made the language of administration in the south, and northerners began to hold positions there. The southern elite, trained in English, resented the change as they were kept out of their own government. After decolonization most power was given to the northern elites based in Khartoum, causing unrest in the south.

The British moved towards granting Sudan independence, but they failed to give enough power to Southern leaders. Southern Sudanese leaders weren't even invited to negotiations during the transitional period in the 1950s.

In the post-colonial government of 1953, the Sudanization Committee only included 6 southern leaders, though there were some 800 available senior administrative positions.

The second war was partially about natural resources. Between the north and the south lie significant oil fields and thus significant foreign interests (the oil revenue is privatized to Western interests as in Nigeria).

The north wanted to control these resources because they are situated on the edge of the Sahara desert, which is unsuitable for agricultural development. Oil revenues make up about 70% of Sudan's export earnings, and contribute to the development of the country which, unlike the south, does not depend on international aid.

Due to numerous tributaries of the Nile river and heavier precipitation in the south of Sudan they have superior access to water access and fertile land. There has also been a significant amount of death from warring tribes in the south. Most of the conflict has been between Nuer and Dinka but other ethnic groups have also been involved. These tribal conflicts have remained after independence. For example, in January 2012 3,000 Murle people were massacred by the Nuer.

The civil war ended in 1972, with the Addis Ababa Agreement. Part of the agreement gave religious and cultural autonomy to the south. On 6 April 1985, senior military officers led by Gen. Abdul Rahman Suwar ad-Dahhab mounted a coup.

Among the first acts of the new government was to suspend the 1983 constitution, rescind the decree declaring Sudan's intent to become an Islamic state, and disband Nimeiry's Sudan Socialist Union. However, the "September laws" instituting Islamic Sharia law were not suspended. A 15-member transitional military council was named, chaired by Gen. Suwar ad-Dahhab, in 1983.

In consultation with an informal conference of political parties, unions, and professional organizations—known as the "Gathering"—the military council appointed an interim civilian cabinet, headed by Prime Minister Dr. Al-Jazuli Daf'allah.

Elections were held in April 1986, and a transitional military council turned over power to a civilian government as promised. The government was headed by Prime Minister Sadiq al-Mahdi of the Umma Party. It consisted of a coalition of the Umma Party, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) (formerly the NUP-National Unionist Party), the National Islamic Front (NIF) of Hassan al-Turabi, and several southern region parties.

This coalition dissolved and reformed several times over the next few years, with Prime Minister Sadiq al-Mahdi and his Umma Party always in a central role. In the meantime in the 1980s the Middle East was undergoing major geopolitical changes that would shape the region into what has become and what resulted in the Arab Spring.

Many of the region's players chief among them, Sadam Hussein had attempted to expand their influence and dominance throughout the Middle East and Africa by financial means, to secure the loyalty of some of the poorer countries in an attempt to bolster their political position in their own country, and throughout the region.

Since 1980, the foreign relations of Iraq were influenced by a number of controversial decisions by the Saddam regime. Sadam had good relations with the Soviet Union and a number of Western countries such as France, who provided him with advanced weapons systems; including "Osiris"-class nuclear reactor; which was bombed by Israel on June 7, 1981 in Operation Opera.

Sadam also developed a tenuous relation with the United States, who supported him during the Iran–Iraq war; Sudanese Iraqi relations were and still are very close, Sudan supported Iraq during the Gulf War against Kuwait in 1991. Following the war, Baghdad established Khartoum as a major center for Iraqi intelligence. Iraq and Sudan are connected by remote cultural similarities such as language (both countries speak Arabic, though the two are different in dialect) and religion, both are Muslim (however Sudan is predominantly Sunni, while the majority of Iraq is Shia).

Sadam wanted to expand his influence whereby in exchange for financial assistance, he would have absolute loyalty by the countries he helps, some of which would be a staging ground for his Republican Guards to carry out terrorist attacks against enemies. Some of the countries, including Sudan went as far as supplying Iraqi intelligence operatives with passports, to enable them to travel without attracting attention as Iraqi operatives. Sadam saw himself as the modern day Salah Al Din of the Middle East the one who would free Jerusalem from Israel.

But first he had to defeat Iran. Sadam began to develop a strong relationship with Sudan and Iraqi Intelligence used Sudan as a base hub for their activities in Africa and to launch intelligence operations into Egypt. Sadam was concerned about Egypt's tenuous peace with Israel and was concerned as to what it might mean to his future plans in attacking Israel, he knew that to launch a successful military campaign against Israel he would need Egypt but he also knew that he could not trust Egypt's leadership.

Mubarak was to friendly with the United States and had began to explore stronger relations particularly on the security, and military side with Israel.

In 1984 the Israeli government launched the covert evacuation of Ethiopian Jews (known as the "Beta Israel" community or "Falashas") from Sudan during a famine in 1984. The operation, named after the biblical figure Moses, was a cooperative effort between the Israel Defense Forces, the Central Intelligence Agency, the United States embassy in Khartoum, mercenaries, and Sudanese state security forces.[3] Years after the operation completed, it was revealed that Sudanese Muslims and secret police of Sudan also played a role in facilitating the mass migration of Ethiopian Jews out of Sudan.[4] Operation Moses was the brainchild of then Associate U.S. Coordinator for Refugee Affairs, Richard Krieger. After receiving accounts of the persecution of Ethiopian Jews in the refugee camps, Krieger came up with the idea of an airlift and met with Mossad and Sudanese representatives to facilitate the Operation.

After a secret Israeli cabinet meeting in November 1984, the decision was made to go forward with Operation Moses.Beginning November 21, 1984, it involved the air transport by TEA of some 8,000 Ethiopian Jews from Sudan via Brussels to Israel, ending January 5, 1985.

Years after the operation completed, it was revealed that Sudanese Muslims and secret police of Sudan also played a role in facilitating the mass migration of Ethiopian Jews out of Sudan. After a secret Israeli cabinet meeting in November of 1984, the decision was made to go forward with Operation Moses. Beginning November 21, 1984, it involved the air transport by TEA of some 8,000 Ethiopian Jews from Sudan via Brussels to Israel, ending January 5, 1985.

Over those seven weeks, over 30 flights brought about 200 Ethiopian Jews at a time to Israel. TEA had flown out of Sudan previously with Muslims making the pilgrimage to Mecca, so using TEA was a logical solution for this semi-covert operation because it would not provoke questions from the airport authorities.

Before this operation, there were approximately as few as 250 Ethiopian immigrants in Israel. Thousands of Beta Israel had fled Ethiopia on foot for refugee camps in Sudan, a journey which usually took anywhere from two weeks to a month. It is estimated as many as 4,000 died during the trek, due to violence and illness along the way. Sudan secretly allowed Israel to evacuate the refugees.

Two days after the airlifts began, Jewish journalists wrote about “the mass rescue of thousands of Ethiopian Jews. Operation Moses ended on Friday, January 5, 1985 after the Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres held a press conference confirming the airlift while asking people not to talk about it. Sudan killed the airlift moments after Peres stopped speaking, ending it prematurely as the news began to reach their Arab allies. Once the story broke in the media, Arab countries pressured Sudan to stop the airlift.

Although thousands made it successfully to Israel, many children died in the camps or during the flight to Israel, and it was reported that their parents brought their bodies down from the aircraft with them. Some 1,000 Ethiopian Jews were left behind, approximately 650 of whom were evacuated later in the U.S.-led Operation Joshua. More than 1,000 so-called "orphans of circumstance" existed in Israel, children separated from their families still in Africa, until five years later Operation Solomon took 14,000 more Jews to Israel in 1991.

Operation Solomon in 1991 cost Israel $26 million to pay off the dictator-led government, while Operation Moses had been the least expensive of all rescue operations undertaken by Israel to aid Jews in other countries. There were consequences of great proportion, as a result of this airlift, that had irreparable ramification on political, and diplomatic U.S/Sudanese relations, and ultimately Nimeiri's presidency. In the early 1980s, Nimeiri's government faced growing internal unrest as it failed to ameliorate the severe economic hardship intensified by drought, famine, fuel, and food shortages. In addition to his arbitrary rule, including the implementation of strict Sharia laws in 1983, advocating such punishments as the amputation of limbs for stealing and public flogging for alcohol consumption, inept management of the economy and the famine caused by the 1984 drought led to mass discontent and crystallized opposition, which led to his downfall. Moreover, the hanging of Mahmoud Taha, the Republican Brother's Reformist Movement leader who was condemned for apostasy, also triggered Nimieri's downfall. Furthermore, the situation was worsened by Nimeiri's imposition of austerity measures advocated by the US and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Ironically, as Washington's relations with Nimeiri's Sudan peaked, his popularity at home fell precipitously. Finally, following a mass riot, Nimeiri, while in Washington seeking more economic assistance, was toppled by a military coup in April 1985. Nevertheless, under Nimeiri, the US and Sudan experienced, for the most part, closer relations during the Reagan administration. Vice-President George Bush, Sr., had visited Sudan in March 1985, just before Nimeiri's ouster.

Nimeiri's overthrow was a setback for US-Sudanese relations. Sudan's new military leader, General Suwar al-Dhahab, and his Transitional Military Council (TMC), viewed past American support for Nimeiri suspiciously, particularly his support for the Camp David Accords, hostility toward Libya, introduction of the joint military exercise Operation BRIGHT STAR, and his sanction and facilitating of the America-supported airlift of some 7000 Ethiopian Jews via Sudan to Egypt. Therefore, Dhahab moved away from his predecessor's close relationship with the US, embraced the policy of neutrality, and developed closer ties with the Soviet Union. Furthermore, Dhahab alienated the US by discarding Nimeiri's anti-Libyan policies and improving relations with Ethiopia. Libya and Sudan signed a military agreement in 1985.The Reagan administration displayed increasing irritation and grew worried about the presence of Libyan and "other known terrorists" in Sudan. As a result, US-Sudanese relations reached a low point in November 1985, when the State Department urged Americans not to travel to Sudan, as the country had become a base for Libyan and other terrorists.The State Department reassigned 45 American embassy officials and dependents (about 10 percent of the mission staff were sent to other US embassies), as well as planned future cuts in the diplomatic corps in Khartoum. US concern over the growing presence of Libyan and other terrorists, along with the dismantling of Nimeiri's dreaded security apparatus (expert surveillance), signaled to Washington that Sudan might be veering away from its traditional Western and Egyptian supporters. Relations further deteriorated following the US bombing of Libya on 15 April 1986. A day later, William J. Calkins, a US embassy communications officer in Sudan, was shot in the head. Subsequently, the US ambassador to Sudan ordered the evacuation of all non-essential American Embassy employees and their families out of Sudan.

At the time of the operation Dr Edouard Elias Sassoon a Syrian born Greek epidemiologist who worked as a researcher for the World Health Organization (WHO) as a researcher arrived in Sudan in December 1984 as part of a WHO team to assist the government with the efforts to combat the health effect the health affect the famine caused by the 1984 drought had on the population.

While in the country a friend of his Abdulhalim Hassan a retired military general told him that there was something going on to help evacuate Ethiopian Jews through Sudan to Israel, the general was trying to bolster to his friend about how despite the overt hostility towards Israel, Muslims and Jews, Arabs and Israelis still manage to find ways to work together for the common bond of humanity. Knowing that Edoaurd was Jewish, he thought that Edouard would appreciate this show of enthusiasm and friendship by the Sudanese people towards others even if they were Jewish.

Sudan had secretly allowed Israel to evacuate the refugees. Two days after the airlifts began however, Jewish journalists wrote about “the mass rescue of thousands of Ethiopian Jews.” It is unclear how the news about the operation leaked out and reached the global media. Upon hearing this, Sadam was furious. It was unfathomable and inconceivable to Sadam, that Sudan would collaborate with his second arch enemy while he was supporting the government monetarily and with cheap oil. Immediately he dispatched his chief spy Fadhil AL Barak to Sudan to meet with the country's leadership who assured the Iraqi that Sadam was misinformed and that the government was in no way cooperating directly or indirectly with Israel.

A young rising security officer Mohammed AL Atta who was tasked with watching General Hassan, noticed his guest and upon investigating who the general's visitor was learned that the visitor was a physician but also learned that he was Jewish. Not knowing some of his own country's leaders involvement in the Israeli operation, AL Atta suspected that the foreign physician was sent to Sudan to assist the Ethiopian refugees smuggled, and that he was an Israeli spy. The following day news of Dr Edouard Sassoon's presence and that he was Jewish and possibly an Israeli operative, reached General A--Dhahab, who after consulting with Al Turabi and Bashir ordered the arrest of Edouard Sassoon. Nimeiri's regime days were by then numbered anyway. Sassoon was detained without charges, and immediately President Nimeiri was notified of the arrest of an Israeli spy, not wanting the Iraqi to leave disappointed and fearing of losing Sadam's financial support; he invited the Iraqi to attend the interrogation of the Israeli spy. Sassoon was taken to Kober Prison and held there with no charges, lawyers presence, or court order for four months; where he was severely beaten, and sleep deprived.

His cell was infested with rats, cockroaches,urine and rubbish. His food consisted of dirty water and a piece of mouldy bread. Every day his interrogators in the presence of the Iraqi chief spy took turn questioning him for five days. Some of the most barbaric, inhumane, and violent interrogation techniques were used on Edouard Sassoon, including: electrocuting his testicles, use of water boarding, mock execution, beating, sleep deprivation, and sometimes he would be hung upside down and beaten until he lost consciousness.

AL Barak sent a cable to Baghdad informing the Iraqi leader of the progress of the interrogation. In March 1985 Sadam sent Sabah Abdullah Allaf an Iraqi born British businessman living in the UK with business interests in Cyprus and Malta. Allaf was tasked with investing, and laundering some of the Iraqi leader's money in European ventures away from the prying eyes of Western and Israeli intelligence. Allaf was the one Sadam turned to whenever he wanted to send money to an Arab leader or a dissident whom Sadam supported to overthrow an Arab leader without having to use official channels or the probing eyes of foreign intelligence.

Allaf arrived in Khartoum from Cyprus on 15 March, 1985 with $50,000,000 check, drawn on a Swiss Bank for the Sudanese president, with a promise of more if the Sudanese leader assured the Iraqi leader of his loyalty and support. Immediately AL Nimeiri ordered that Allaf be taken to Kober prison to see for himself his security officer's progress in their interrogation of Sassoon. He ordered AL Bashier to accompany both AL Barak and Allaf to Kober prison to witness the interrogation and handling of the alleged Israeli spy.

Throughout his ordeal Sassoon maintained his innocence that he was not an Israeli spy and not even an Israeli citizen, He begged his captures to contact the World Health Organization in Geneva, Switzerland and the UN; Sassoon even asked to contact the Greek Embassy in Khartoum, as his mother was a Greek citizen; but his pleading was to no avail.

Allaf who watched the interrogation reported to Sadam and asked for instructions on whether the Iraqi leader wished for Sassoon to be transported to Iraq for interrogation; but Sadam said he didn't wish for the Israeli spy to be brought to Iraq and for the Sudanese to deal with him. However, Sadam sent Col. Ahmed Fawaz a ruthless and sadistic interrogator to interrogate Sassoon at Kober. Every day Sassoon was brought into the interrogation room and would not leave it until late in the night bleeding and bruised, on the verge of death.

Finally on April 2 after AL Baker had returned to Iraq and Allaf returned to London; Allaf returned to Khartoum with instructions from Sadam to dispose of the prisoner. Again he was accompanied to Kober prison by Al Bashier, Sassoon was taken to a courtyard in the prison where he was forced to his knees and Allaf ordered one of the guards to shoot Sassoon in the back of the head. A Sudanese prisoner at Kober prison, later told Walter Cronkite of the CBS Evening News, in 1989 after the Sudanese arrived in America on asylum, that he was in the cell next to that of Edouard Sassoon, and that he watched as prisoners were brought outside to witness the execution; those who cheered were allowed extra food rations, those who participated would be allowed other privileges. Later the guards and the Iraqis stood watching and some were laughing as Sasoon's body was mutilated and set on fire by some of the prisoners at the instigation by the guards.

The next day Allaf flew to Cyprus after he delivered $1,000,000.00 to Nimeiri on behalf of Sadam, Sassoon's body was left hanging until it was burned and the body or what remained of it was disposed of.

Until today the Sassoon family never received, the remains of Edouard Sassoon or know what happened of it, the Sudanese government claimed for months to WHO and UN officials that Sassoon had crossed the boarder into Ethiopia and they knew nothing about him.

The only problem with this story was that Sudanese boarder officials never inspected those crossing the boarder let alone kept any record of exist visas. Sassoon's only surviving son David Edouard Sassoon continues to petition the UN and WHO to intervene and demand that an inquiry is opened by those agencies or the Sudanese government itself as to what happened to his father. Sudanese officials deny knowing anything about Sassoon and deny that Allaf or AL Barak had ever visited Sudan or took part in any interrogation, further more the government denies that any such alleged spies were ever arrested by Sudanese security forces.