Democracy and Freedom are still elusive in Sudan

The Second Sudanese Civil
War was a conflict from 1983 to 2005 between the central Sudanese government
and the Sudan People's Liberation Army. It was largely a continuation of the
First Sudanese Civil War of 1955 to 1972. Although it originated in southern
Sudan, the civil war spread to the Nuba mountains and Blue Nile. It lasted for
a long 22 years, and is one of the longest civil wars on record. The war
resulted in the splitting away of South Sudan six years after the war
ended.Roughly two million people have died as a result of war, famine and
disease caused by the conflict. Four million people in southern Sudan have been
displaced at least once (and often repeatedly) during the war. The civilian
death toll is one of the highest of any war since World War II and was marked
by a large number of human rights violations, particularly by the government in
Khartoum. These include slavery and mass killings. The conflict officially
ended with the signing of a peace agreement in January 2005.  The war is
often characterized as a fight between the central government expanding and
dominating peoples of the periphery, raising allegations of marginalization.
Kingdoms and great powers based along the Nile River have fought against the
people of inland Sudan for centuries. Since at least the 17th century, central
governments have attempted to regulate and exploit the undeveloped southern and
inland Sudan.Some sources describe the conflict as an ethnoreligious one where
the Muslim central government's pursuits to impose sharia law on non-Muslim
southerners led to violence, and eventually to the civil war. Douglas Johnson
has pointed to an exploitative governance as the root cause. When the
British governed Sudan as a colony they administered the northern and southern
provinces separately. The south was held to be more similar to the other
east-African colonies — Kenya, Tanganyika, and Uganda — while northern Sudan
was more similar to Arabic-speaking Egypt. Northern Arabs were prevented from
holding positions of power in the south with its African traditions, and trade
was discouraged between the two areas. However, in 1946, the British gave in to
northern pressure to integrate the two areas. Arabic was made the language of
administration in the south, and northerners began to hold positions there. The
southern elite, trained in English, resented the change as they were kept out
of their own government. After decolonization most power was given to the
northern elites based in Khartoum, causing unrest in the south. The British moved
towards granting Sudan independence, but they failed to give enoguh power to
Southerm leaders. Southern Sudanese leaders weren't even invited to
negotiations during the transitional period in the 1950s. In the post-colonial
government of 1953, the Sudanization Committee only included 6 southern
leaders, though there were some 800 available senior administrative
positions.The second war was partially about natural resources. Between the
north and the south lie significant oil fields and thus significant foreign
interests (the oil revenue is privatized to Western interests as in Nigeria).
The north wanted to control these resources because they are situated on the
edge of the Sahara desert, which is unsuitable for agricultural development.
Oil revenues make up about 70% of Sudan's export earnings, and contribute to
the development of the country which, unlike the south, does not depend on
international aid. Due to numerous tributaries of the Nile river and heavier
precipitation in the south of Sudan they have superior access to water access
and fertile land.There has also been a significant amount of death from warring
tribes in the south. Most of the conflict has been between Nuer and Dinka but
other ethnic groups have also been involved. These tribal conflicts have
remained after independence. For example, in January 2012 3,000 Murle people
were massacred by the Nuer. The civil war ended in 1972, with the Addis Ababa
Agreement. Part of the agreement gave religious and cultural autonomy to the
south. On 6 April 1985, senior military officers led by Gen. Abdul Rahman
Suwar ad-Dahhab mounted a coup. Among the first acts of the new government was
to suspend the 1983 constitution, rescind the decree declaring Sudan's intent
to become an Islamic state, and disband Nimeiry's Sudan Socialist Union.
However, the "September laws" instituting Islamic Sharia law were not
suspended.A 15-member transitional military council was named, chaired by Gen.
Suwar ad-Dahhab, in 1983. In consultation with an informal conference of
political parties, unions, and professional organizations—known as the
"Gathering"—the military council appointed an interim civilian
cabinet, headed by Prime Minister Dr. Al-Jazuli Daf'allah. Elections were held
in April 1986, and a transitional military council turned over power to a
civilian government as promised. The government was headed by Prime Minister
Sadiq al-Mahdi of the Umma Party. It consisted of a coalition of the Umma
Party, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) (formerly the NUP-National Unionist
Party), the National Islamic Front (NIF) of Hassan al-Turabi, and several
southern region parties. This coalition dissolved and reformed several times
over the next few years, with Prime Minister Sadiq al-Mahdi and his Umma Party
always in a central role. In the meantime in the 1980s the Middle East was
undergoing major geopolitical changes that would shape the region into what has
become and wht resulted in the Arab Spring. Many of the region's players chief
amongst them Sadam Hussein had attempted to expand their influence and
dominance throughout the Middle East and Africa through financial assistance to
secure the loyalty of some of the poorer countries in an attempt to bolster
their political position in their own country. Since 1980, the foreign relations
of Iraq were influenced by a number of controversial decisions by the Saddam
Hussein administration. Hussein had good relations with the Soviet Union and a
number of western countries such as France and Germany, who provided him with
advanced weapons systems. He also developed a tenuous relation with the United
States, who supported him during the Iran–Iraq war Sudanese–Iraqi
relations were and still are very close, Sudan supported Iraq during the Gulf
War, and following the war, Baghdad established Khartoum as a major center for
Iraqi intelligence. Iraq and Sudan are connected by remote cultural
similarities such as language (both countries speak Arabic, though the two are
different in dialect) and religion, both are Muslim (however Sudan is predominantly
Sunni, while the majority of Iraq is Shia).  Sadam wanted to expand his
influence by providing financial assistance and military aid in exchange for
absolute loyalty by the countries he helps. Sadam saw himself as the modern day
Salah Al Din of the Middle East the one who would free Jerusalem from Israel.
But first he had to defeat Iran. Sadam began to develop a strong relationship
with Sudan and Iraqi Intelligence used Sudan as a base hub for their activities
in Africa  and to launch intelligence operations from into Egypt. Sadam
was concerned about Egypt's tenuous peace with Israel and was concerned as to
what it might mean to his future plans in attacking Israel, he knew that to
launch a successful military campaign against Israel he would need Egypt but he
also knew that he could not trust Egypt's leadership not even its new leader
Mubarak. Mubarak was to friendly with the United States and had began to
explore stronger relations particularly on the security side with Israel,
although covertly but a strong relationship was being forged between Egyptian
and Israeli intelligence and security services.  In 1984 the Israeli
government launched the covert evacuation of Ethiopian Jews (known as the
"Beta Israel" community or "Falashas") from Sudan during a
famine in 1984. Originally called Gur Aryeh Yehuda, “Cub of the Lion of Judah”
by Israelis, the UJA changed the name to “Operation Moses.”The operation, named
after the biblical figure Moses, was a cooperative effort between the Israel
Defense Forces, the Central Intelligence Agency, the United States embassy in
Khartoum, mercenaries, and Sudanese state security forces. Years after the
operation completed, it was revealed that Sudanese Muslims and secret police of
Sudan also played a role in facilitating the mass migration of Ethiopian Jews
out of Sudan.After a secret Israeli cabinet meeting in November of 1984, the
decision was made to go forward with Operation Moses. Beginning November 21,
1984, it involved the air transport by TEA of some 8,000 Ethiopian Jews from
Sudan via Brussels to Israel, ending January 5, 1985.Over those seven weeks,
over 30 flights brought about 200 Ethiopian Jews at a time to Israel. TEA had
flown out of Sudan previously with Muslims making the pilgrimage to Mecca, so
using TEA was a logical solution for this semi-covert operation because it
would not provoke questions from the airport authorities. Before this
operation, there were approximately as few as 250 Ethiopian immigrants in
Israel. Thousands of Beta Israel had fled Ethiopia on foot for refugee camps in
Sudan, a journey which usually took anywhere from two weeks to a month. It is
estimated as many as 4,000 died during the trek, due to violence and illness
along the way. Sudan secretly allowed Israel to evacuate the refugees. Two days
after the airlifts began, Jewish journalists wrote about “the mass rescue of
thousands of Ethiopian Jews.”Operation Moses ended on Friday, January 5, 1985
after the Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres held a press conference
confirming the airlift while asking people not to talk about it. Sudan killed
the airlift moments after Peres stopped speaking, ending it prematurely as the
news began to reach their Arab allies. Once the story broke in the media, Arab
countries pressured Sudan to stop the airlift. Although thousands made it
successfully to Israel, many children died in the camps or during the flight to
Israel, and it was reported that their parents brought their bodies down from
the aircraft with them. Some 1,000 Ethiopian Jews were left behind,
approximately 650 of whom were evacuated later in the U.S.-led Operation
Joshua. More than 1,000 so-called "orphans of circumstance" existed
in Israel, children separated from their families still in Africa, until five
years later Operation Solomon took 14,000 more Jews to Israel in 1991.
Operation Solomon in 1991 cost Israel $26 million to pay off the dictator-led
government, while Operation Moses had been the least expensive of all rescue
operations undertaken by Israel to aid Jews in other countries. At the
time of the operation Dr. Edouard Elias Sassoon an Egyptian born Greek
epidemiologist who worked as a researcher for the World Health Organization WHO
as a researcher arrived in Sudan in December 1984 as part of a WHO team to
assist the government with the efforts to combat the famine that engulfed the
country. While in the country a friend of his Abdulhalim Hassan a retired
military general told him that there was something going on to help evacuate
Ethiopian Jews through Sudan to Israel, the general was trying to bolster to
his friend about how despite the overt hostility towards Israel Muslims and
Jews, Arabs and Israelis still manage to find way to work together for the
common bond of humanity, knowing that Edoaurd was Jewish he thought that Edoaurd
would appreciate this show of humanity by the Sudanese people towards others
even if they were Jewish.  It is unclear how the news about the operation
leaked out and reached Baghdad, upon hearing this Sadam was furious. How could
Sudan collaborate with his second arch enemy while he was supporting the
government monetarily and with cheap oil for almost next to nothing?
Immediately he dispatched his chief spy Fadhil AL Barak to Sudan to meet with
the country's leadership who assured the Iraqi that Sadam was misinformed and
that the government was in way cooperating directly or indirectly with such an
operation.  A young rising security officer Mohammed AL Atta who was
tasked with the task to watch Genral Hassan noticed his guest and upon investigating
who the general's visitor was learned that the visitor was a physician but also
learned that he was Jewish. Not knowing some of his own country's leaders
involvement in the Israeli operation suspected that the foreign physician was
sent to Sudan to assist the Ethiopian refugees being smuggled with their
medical needs. AL Atta took it upon himself to arrest Sassoon and detain him
without charges, immediately President Nimeiry was notified of the arrest of an
Israeli spy, not wanting the Iraqi to leave disappointed and fearing of losing
Sadam's financial support he invited the Iraqi to attend the interrogation of
the Israeli spy. Sassoon was taken to Kober Prison and held there with no
charges filed, for four days he was severely beaten, and sleep deprived. His
cell was infested with rats, cockroaches, and urine and rubbish, his food
consisted of dirty water and a piece of mouldy bread. Every day his
interrogators in the presence of the Iraqi chief spy took turn questioning him,
electrocuting his testicles, used water boarding, hung him upside down and beat
him until he lost conciousness. AL Barak sent a cable to Baghdad informing the
Iraqi leader of the progress of the interrogation, in March 1985 Sadam sent
Sabah Abdullah Allaf an Iraqi born British businessman living in the UK with
business interests in Cyprus and Malta who was tasked with investing some of
the Iraqi leader's money in European ventures away from the prying eyes of
Western and Israeli intelligence. Allaf was the one Sadam turned to whenever he
wanted to send money to an Arab leader or a dissident whom Sadam supported to
overthrow an Arab leader without having to use official channels or the probing
eyes of foreign intelligence.  Allaf arrived in Khartoum from Cyprus on 15
March, 1985 with $250,000 in cash for the Sudanese president with a promise of
more if the Sudanese leader assured the Iraqi leader of his undying loyalty and
support. Immediately AL Nimeiry ordered that Allaf be taken to Kober prison to
see for himself his security officer's progress in their interrogation of
Sassoon. He ordered a young army officer AL Bashier to accompany both AL Barak
and Allaf to Kober prison to witness the interrogation and handling of the
alleged Israeli spy. Throughout his ordeal Sassoon maintained his innocence
that he was not an Israeli spy and not even an Israeli citizen, he begged his
captures to contact the World Health Organization in Geneva. Switzerland and
the UN; Sassoon even asked to contact the Greek Embassy in Khartoum but his
pleading was to no avail. Allaf who watched the interrogation reported to
Sadam and asked fr instructions on whether the Iraqi leader wished for Sassoon
to be transported to Iraq for interrogation; but Sadam said he didn't wish for
the Israeli spy to be brought to Iraq and for the Suandese to deal with him.
However, Sadam sent Col. Ahmed Fawaz a ruthless and sadistic interogator to
interogate Sassoon at Kober. Every day Sassoon was brought into the
interrogation room and would not leave it until late in the night bleeding and
brusied. Finally on April 2 after AL Baker had returned to Iraq and Allaf
returned to London; Allaf returned to Khartoum with instructions from Sadam to
dispose of the prisoner. Again he was accompanied to Kober prison by Al Bashier
and upon arriving he looked at Sassoon telling him that his day to pay for his
actions has finally come; Sassoon was taken to a courtyard in the prison where
he was forced to his knees and Allaf ordered one of the guards to shoot Sassoon
in the back of the head, then he ordered the guards to hang the corps and set
the body on fire and let it burn. The next day Allaf flew to Cyprus after
he delivered $1,000,000.00 to Nimeiry on behalf of Sadam, Sassoon's body was
left hanging until it was burned and the body or what remained of it was
disposed of. Until today Sassoon's family never received his body or know what
happened of it, the Sudanese government claimed for months to WHO and UN
officials that Sassoon had crossed the boarder into Ethiopia and they knew
nothing about him. The only problem with this story was that Sudanese boarder
officials never inspected those crossing the boarder let alone kept any records
of exist visas. Sassoon's only surviving son David continues to petition the UN
and WHO to intervene and demand that an inquiry is opened by those agencies or
the Sudanese government itself as to what happened to his father. Sudanese
officials deny knowing anything about Sassoon and deny that Allaf or AL Barak
had ever visited Sudan or took part in any interrogation, further more the
government denies that any such alleged spies were ever arrested b Sudanese
securit